Now, I was never directly involved in any anti-Olympic organizing, aside from attending the occasional rally. However, I was a volunteer at Spartacus Books (a local radical bookstore), and I helped organize the Vancouver Anarchist Bookfair. So I knew there was still a good chance that I would get caught up in the increased state surveillance of left-wing groups. Then a friend of mine discovered that the Vancouver 2010 Integrated Security Unit (VISU) had been spying on him throughout 2008 and 2009, amassing a 600-page file on his activities. Like him, several other people had filed Access to Information requests and gotten interesting results. So I filed a request of my own to see what VISU knew about me.

Here’s what I got back:

• Document A – 10 pages of reports on intelligence-gathering and surveillance
• Document B – 9 pages of supporting documentation, mostly stuff that was publicly posted on the Internet

19 pages isn’t much, but it’s interesting that they had anything at all, since I have no criminal record and my activism was pretty innocuous. Document A is the more interesting one, since it shows what VISU was actually up to. Unfortunately they’ve redacted all the really juicy bits (their redactions are the large chunks of white space; I only blacked out a few addresses and phone numbers myself). Still, I think this stuff tells an interesting story.

As you can see, I was identified as a “person of interest” on 5 January 2009 because I was volunteering at Spartacus Books. I would guess that a lot of other Spartacus volunteers from around that time have files like this. I thus became the subject of an active, albeit minor, investigation.

It took them a while to figure out who I was, since I have a very common name. In February 2009, they finally connected me to a community wireless project I had been involved with, as shown in Document B. Interestingly, they’ve redacted their sources for some of this “open source” information, but bank records and the provincial corporate registry are two possibilities. They added what they found to several police databases — including PRIME-BC, which is used for criminal record checks, among other things. As it happens, I had been stopped and questioned by VPD officers for no apparent reason back on 14 January, but there’s no mention of that in these documents; either there was no record of the stop, or VISU missed the connection.

Pages A.7-8 indicate that the cops spied on a Vancouver Anarchist Bookfair meeting at Spartacus in March 2009, and then followed me when I left the store in an attempt to “establish my associations.” Two whole paragraphs have been redacted here, which is a shame since I’d really like to know what the cops had to say about the people I was visiting (VISU would have known who they were) and what happened while I was there. It’s worth noting that there is no mention of this incident in previously released documents about VISU’s surveillance of Spartacus. It’s a suggestive omission. What else happened at Spartacus that got left out of that release?

Speaking of omissions, my documents don’t include this list of persons of interest from early 2010. VISU had apparently lost interest in me by May 2009, even though the bookfair didn’t happen until late June; there’s a large blank section on page A.4 that might have shed light on this if it hadn’t been redacted. I stopped volunteering at Spartacus and moved out of town that fall. It’s possible that they continued to actively investigate the store through the fall and winter of 2009-2010, but you can’t tell one way or another from these documents.

So there you have it. If you were wondering where that $900 million in Olympic security spending went, now you know: some of it was for spying on people who volunteer at non-profit bookstores.

I pay a lot of attention to when I hear kids complain or enthuse about something they are doing in school. I listen to their accounts of what makes a teacher “nice” or “mean,” fair or unfair; what makes something interesting or engaging for them, or bores them to tears. I get a lot of practical, hands-on tips from these conversations, but what I want to focus on here is the more general impression I get of their impression of school. Not all kids are articulate or reflective enough to intentionally paint a picture of this, but every one of them knows very well that they aren’t in school because they choose to be. They regard it the way most adults regard work: a necessary evil, the lesser-of-two perhaps, and often the devil they know. They each sense on some level that they are being made to do things, which they would never, ever decide to do themselves. What is heartbreaking to me is the way they internalize the notion that this is somehow a good thing.

Read the whole thing. Seriously, excerpts don’t do it justice.

(It’s worth pointing out that the alternative schools mentioned in the article are expensive private schools. Kids who aren’t from wealthy families generally don’t get those kinds of opportunities.)

The government also asked the committee to rewrite the law so it can refuse access to security video from jail cells.

The reason for the request? The BC government doesn’t want to be forced to release videos like this one, from a holding cell in Victoria in 2005:

The fifteen-year-old girl in that video was tied up and tethered to the door of the holding cell for four hours. She later sued the Victoria Police Department and won. How do you think the case would have turned out if she couldn’t get access to the video?

And what does it say about the BC government that they want to cover up incidents like this?

Now imagine a cop like that behind the wheel of one of these:

Feeling safer yet?

(You can find more information about the assault here, and about the acquisition of armoured vehicles by BC’s RCMP here.)

Watts explains the conviction:

The press has frequently characterized the charge against me as “assaulting a federal officer”. The alleged (and discredited) “choking” episode has been repeated ad nauseum. Here at the Sarnia Best Western I don’t have the actual statute in front of me but it includes a lengthy grab-bag of actions, things like “assault”, “resist”, “impede”, “threaten”, “obstruct” — hell, “contradict” might be in there for all I know. And under “obstruct” is “failure to comply with a lawful order”, and it’s explicitly stated that violence on the part of the perp is not necessary for a conviction. Basically, everything from asking “Why?” right up to chain-saw attack falls under the same charge. And it’s all a felony.

What constitutes “failure to comply with a lawful command” is open to interpretation. The Prosecution cited several moments within the melee which she claimed constituted “resisting”, but by her own admission I wasn’t charged with any of those things. I was charged only with resisting Beaudry, the guard I’d “choked”. My passenger of that day put the lie to that claim in short order, and the Prosecution wasn’t able to shake that. The Defense pointed out that I wasn’t charged with anything regarding anyone else, and the Prosecution had to concede that too. So what it came down to, ultimately, was those moments after I was repeatedly struck in the face by Beaudry (an event not in dispute, incidentally). After Beaudry had finished whaling on me in the car, and stepped outside, and ordered me out of the vehicle; after I’d complied with that, and was standing motionless beside the car, and Beaudry told me to get on the ground — I just stood there, saying “What is the problem?”, just before Beaudry maced me.

And that, said the Prosecutor in her final remarks — that, right there, was failure to comply. That was enough to convict.

Both the Port Huron Times-Herald and the Globe & Mail are careful to repeat border guards’ claims that Watts was aggressive and tried to choke an officer. I don’t have access to court records, but Watts (who has vigorously, consistently, and categorically denied the allegations) says above that those claims were shown in court to be lies. And we know from experience that men in uniform will lie, instantly and repeatedly, in order to protect themselves from the consequences of their misconduct.

Watts is lucky: because of who he is, his case has received a little bit of public attention, and the science fiction community donated several thousand dollars to his legal defence. Of course, none of that saved him from being punched in the face, pepper-sprayed, and convicted of a felony for not cringing enough for some bully in a uniform. Now imagine the border experiences of all those impoverished migrants from places like Mexico (or, for that matter, confused and exhausted immigrants from Poland), who lack even Watts’ meager cultural capital and have to deal with racist anti-immigrant hysteria on top of a state apparatus that already feels entitled to treat them like dirt.

Most importantly, think about what it means that this is normal for the society we live in. Watts’ story has made a few headlines, but no one is taking to the streets over this sort of thing (well, almost no one). So, in the end, it’s business as usual. Our borders are policed by petty thugs who, on the least provocation, will feel free to violently attack you, pepper-spray you, throw you in jail, confiscate your stuff, dump you out into the middle of a Canadian winter without your jacket — and then lie about it afterwards, as a matter of routine and with the full cooperation of their superiors. And the so-called justice system will back them up on this. That’s the world we live in.

Not long ago, corporations were able to vote in municipal elections in B.C. Since that right was taken away in the 1990s, they’ve been trying to win it back….

Earlier this year, the Local Government Elections Task Force released a paper that discussed arguments for and against the reinstatement of the corporate vote. It noted that corporations are not citizens, and that the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms grants only citizens the right to vote for members of the House of Commons and legislative assemblies.

“The possibility of constitutional implications from allowing them a vote at the local level but not provincial or federal level should be explored,” the paper stated.

John Winter, the president and CEO of the B.C. Chamber of Commerce, argues that businesses deserve the right to vote.

“There’s a principle involved that says if you’re a taxpayer, you have some say in how your tax money is spent,” Winter told the Straight by phone. “The fact that the corporate world in British Columbia is the major taxpayer in terms of property taxes, with no say, is of concern.”

2. Mike de Souza, “Climate-change scientists feel ‘muzzled’ by Ottawa: Documents,” Montreal Gazette, 15 March 2010:

A dramatic reduction in Canadian media coverage of climate change science issues is the result of the Harper government introducing new rules in 2007 to control interviews by Environment Canada scientists with journalists, says a newly released federal document.

“Scientists have noticed a major reduction in the number of requests, particularly from high profile media, who often have same-day deadlines,” said the Environment Canada document. “Media coverage of climate change science, our most high-profile issue, has been reduced by over 80 per cent.”

The analysis reviewed the impact of a new federal communications policy at Environment Canada, which required senior federal scientists to seek permission from the government prior to giving interviews.

In many cases, the policy also required them to get approval from supervisors of written responses to the questions submitted by journalists before any interview, said the document, obtained in an investigation into the government’s views and policies on global-warming science that was conducted by Climate Action Network Canada, a coalition of environmental groups.

The document suggests the new communications policy has practically eliminated senior federal scientists from media coverage of climate-change science issues, leaving them frustrated that the government was trying to “muzzle” them.

Charles Johnson celebrates the Ides of March.

What we have here is a recipe for tacitly sanctioned police brutality.

David Eby, executive director of the B.C. Civil Liberties Association, said he was “sickened” by images of Black Bloc members smashing windows and tossing newspaper boxes into the streets.

Eby, who’s been outspoken against what he considers police intimidation of Olympic dissidents, said protesters were prepared for civil disobedience, such as sit-down demonstration to block an intersection.

Eby said there was a hint that the protest would turn violent when his group was asked by a faction of the protesters not to send legal observers to the march, saying they were worried they’d been infiltrated by police and could have their video documentation used as evidence in court.

This is completely unacceptable for exactly the reasons outlined by Lawrence A. Hildes, a member of the U.S. National Lawyers Guild whom I saw at two separate anti-Olympic protests in the past few days:

I don’t expect Eby or the BCCLA to condone the black bloc’s actions. But as Lawrence Hildes says, it’s not the job of either Eby or the BCCLA to decide which protesters are “good” and which are “bad” — it’s their job to ensure that the civil liberties of all protesters, peaceful or not, are protected. Talk of being “sickened” by a few broken windows protects no one’s rights; on the contrary, it lends legitimacy to the authorities’ ongoing efforts to repress dissent by sowing division among the dissenters. It also raises questions about the ability of the BCCLA to provide adequate and unbiased legal counsel to protesters who face charges over acts of civil disobedience.

This problem is compounded by Eby’s decision to reveal that some protesters asked BCCLA legal observers not to attend Saturday’s protest. Not only could that information be extremely damaging for those who are facing charges related to the protest, but clearly those who sent the email had placed a certain amount of trust in the BCCLA in matters like that. It’s no secret that there was at least some communication between anti-Olympic activists and the BCCLA in the months leading up to the Games, and it was the BCCLA’s phone number that was circulated to protesters so they’d know who to call for legal representation in case of arrest. (It speaks volumes that the Olympic Resistance Network, which did not even organize Saturday’s protest, has begun distributing a different number instead.) I have no idea whether Eby’s statement was a violation of attorney-client privilege or of BC’s Canons of Legal Ethics, but I do know that it was a shameful and profoundly disrespectful breach of trust.

I have a great deal of respect for the work that the BCCLA and David Eby personally have done over the years, Olympic-related and otherwise, and I hate to see their reputations tarnished. Nor do I want to undermine the Olympic-related work that the BCCLA still has ahead of it — like holding the RCMP accountable for the fact that many riot cops did not display their badge numbers on Saturday. But so far at least thirteen people in this province have faced charges over their opposition to the Olympics, in a climate of intense official and popular hostility to their views. They — and all of us who confront the threat of repression when we choose to dissent — deserve better.

In defense of the black bloc: A communique from Olympic resisters

February 14th, 2010 – Vancouver, Coast Salish Territories

On February 12th and 13th, 2010, thousands of courageous individuals came together to resist the 2010 Olympic police state and to attack the corporations plundering the land and deepening poverty. We write this communique as participants in and organizers of the black bloc presence at these demonstrations, known as “Take Back Our City” and “2010 Heart Attack.”

On February 12th, the Vancouver Police Department pacified us with a force of mounted police. The next day during 2010 Heart Attack, they deployed riot police armed with M4 carbine assault rifles. They claim this was necessary in order to stop the march from “jeopardizing public safety” – yet the only threats to public safety were in their own hands. Participants in the demonstration only undertook strategic attacks against corporations sponsoring the Olympics and did not harm or attack bystanders.

The media are now busy denouncing the political violence of property destruction, such as the smashing of a Hudson’s Bay Company window, as though it were the only act of violence happening in this city. They forget that economic violence goes on daily in Vancouver. People are suffering and dying from preventable causes because welfare doesn’t give enough to afford rent, food or medicine, and because authorities routinely ignore the medical emergencies of poor or houseless individuals. This economic violence has gotten worse as we lose housing and social services because of the Olympic Games. In response to this assault, thousands took to the streets, hundreds joining what is known as a black bloc.

The black bloc is not a formal organization; it has no leadership, membership, or headquarters. Instead, the black bloc is a tactic: it is something people *do* in order to accomplish a specific purpose. By wearing black clothing and masking our faces, the black bloc allows for greater protection to those who choose active self-defense. The majority of people involved in the black bloc do not participate in property destruction. However, in masking up they express their solidarity with those who choose to take autonomous direct action against the corporations, authorities and politicians who wage war on our communities.

Participation in the black bloc is an act of courage. With only the shirts on our backs and the masks on our faces, we took to the streets against Canada’s largest ever “peacetime” police force. Protected only by black fabric and the support of our comrades, we stood in front of antiriot cops armed with assault rifles, pistols and batons. We proved that $1 billion of “security” couldn’t prevent us from clogging the heart of downtown Vancouver and crashing a party of 100 000 people — and getting away with it.

You won’t ever know who was in the black bloc this weekend, but you do know us. We are the people who organize community potlucks, who dance during street festivals, who make art, defend the land, build co-ops, bicycles and community gardens. When we put on our black clothing, we are not a threat to you, but to the elites.

Whoever you are, one day you will join us. As long as government and corporations attack our communities, we’re going defend – and that means attack.

Signed,

Two organizers and participants in the anarchist presence of the “Take back our city” demonstration and “2010 Heart Attack” street march, February 2010, Coast Salish Territories